A passionate linguist and writer dedicated to helping others improve their communication through creative storytelling.
Yesterday, the finance minister, Rachel Reeves, presented a Labour Party economic plan. People have been calling for Labour’s mission and values to be more clearly expressed. By way of the decisions made – a shift to a fairer tax system, focusing on wealth to pay for tackling child poverty, quality public services and the cost of living – we have clearly set out what we believe in.
This is why Labour MPs cheered in the Commons, and it’s why we are ready for the battles to come. And it’s why the cries from the conservative side began right away.
The central division in British politics is once again on the economy. On the one side Labour, who want to change it so it helps everyday working people, and on the other, our political opponents, who favor the status quo and the unsuccessful doctrine of the past. We must now take on, and prevail in, the argument.
The Tories were given 14 years to fix things and instead, by any measure, they got far more dire. Their ideological austerity and supply-side economics – tax breaks for the wealthy, cutting off investment (causing us with low productivity and wages), and neglecting to support young people post-Covid – didn’t work.
Living standards fell by the largest margin since records began, child poverty reached record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest they’ve ever been, wages remained flat, a housing crisis took hold, young people affected by Covid were abandoned. The history of failure continues.
A single budget alone can’t put all this right, so Labour has a comprehensive plan for renewal and for rewiring the country. And we have to go out and keep making the argument for why our strategy will yield benefits.
During the Tories, welfare spending rose substantially. As did child poverty, because they didn’t address the underlying issues: low pay, high housing costs, deep inequalities in education, health and regions. The state is forced to paying more to manage the symptoms instead of the solution.
It’s why we are constructing more social housing than for a generation, increasing wages and enhanced protections for workers, massively boosting investment in infrastructure and new industries, reducing waiting lists down and lowering the costs of childcare and energy as we pursue clean power.
This is also the reason we are absolutely right to use this budget to lift the two-child benefit cap.
For eight long years, since it was enacted, low-income families with children have endured from a cruel social experiment that was branded as fair for working people when it was the opposite. Most of the families affected by it have a parent in work.
It has only served to push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, in the end, costs us more, as well as being heartless and unethical.
I know from my own constituency – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of abolishing the cap – the real impact it’s had. Children wearing low-cost wellies as school shoes, children going to bed hungry and cold, living in cramped, mouldy homes, parents during the holidays depending on food banks for a simple meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already stretched but have to divert time and resources to supporting children who are living with the consequences of deep poverty.
Just one in four pupils from the most disadvantaged families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with nearly three in four among wealthier families. This sets them up for the disadvantages they face during their lives: missed potential, economic struggles and poor health. Children who grew up in poverty are more likely to be unemployed or poor as adults.
Confronting child poverty isn’t just a ethical duty, it is a future-oriented strategy. Poverty costs the economy significantly more than the three billion pound cost of removing the two-child cap, or expanding free school meals.
This is the reason we acted promptly in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees over a hundred extra children pushed into poverty. The effects of lifting it will not occur overnight either, so acting early in the parliament was vital.
The cap was a totem to 14 years of failed conservative ideology. Now it is gone.
We, as Labour, can also be explicit that these initiatives are being funded in a just way – from a new gambling levy, closing tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Equity and purpose – that’s how we will succeed in the contest of ideas. This budget is a clear statement that we gained the election as Labour, and will lead as Labour. As I consistently said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political megaphone and set the agenda more forcefully about what’s really wrong with the country and how we are fixing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s maintain it and prevail in this struggle about how we will renew Britain and tackle the entrenched inequalities holding us back.
A passionate linguist and writer dedicated to helping others improve their communication through creative storytelling.